Critical Collegiality: Why Teachers Need to Learn to Disagree and Why a Democratic Public Should Care

Can a democracy exist if its citizens do not know how to engage in public discourse over ideas? If they are going to learn to do so, would not public schools be the place to learn this? I argue here that in order for this to happen, teachers must be able to do so, and that the vehicle for this is in the professional community of teachers.

The idea of teacher professional communities and learning communities has been popular in recent years. Mainly it has been argued that such communities are a useful form of professional development—that it is through the practice of collaboration and working together and learning together that teachers can hone their craft. In this view the value of such communities are therefore measured by an increase in teacher and student learning.

Another somewhat similar topic and perspective is looking at the governance side of this. This perspective looks at how through collaboration and consensus teachers make better decisions. Here it is argued that groups can be used to make better decisions than individuals—that when structured appropriately groups do in fact make better decisions. This has been found to be true in educational as well as business settings. It is also true that when teachers are involved in making the decisions they are more likely to effectively carry out those decisions—that is they either have ownership or at least buy-in to the decisions. Better decisions by teachers over teaching and learning should lead to better student achievement, especially when the teachers are motivated to carry out those decisions faithfully.

Teacher collaboration can also be seen as a form of accountability. Policy-makers have often complained about the lack of accountability teachers have had. This has been described by the term loose-coupling that has historically existed in teaching between policy mandates and classroom practice. An alternative form of accountability to the current top-down model could be seen in teacher professional communities, where the community of teachers holds each other accountable for maintaining standards and adhering to acceptable practices. The research in all of the above areas have all generally supported the use of teacher professional communities for these instrumental ends.

However, here I want to address the topic from a fourth perspective. I argue here that such communities should be valued and fostered just for being an example and a place where democracy and democratic values are practiced. This position is based on the idea that the American democratic experiment was not made as an empirical test of whether democracy would lead to better decisions, but out of a philosophical belief in the “unalienable” rights of human beings. In this I am arguing that the purpose of school is more than achieving better test results, or having students leave school smarter and more knowledgeable or even more skilled. Another, at least as important, aim of schools in a democratic society is for students to be equipped to be active participants of a democratic society.

As one who subscribes to Vygotsky’s learning theory, that, a la Piaget, we construct our knowledge and selves based on our experiences, I believe those experiences are socially and culturally mediated. We learn through the cultures and communities we live in. More recent research on learning has reinforced and refined these views of learning. We learn by being in a community of people who are engaging in the skills we need to learn. The theory of situated learning has also reinforced this notion—learning of complex authentic skills are often best learned incidentally when engaged with, and in the community of, those authentically carrying out the tasks and practices to be learned. This may be especially true in terms of learning habits of mind. While much of this socialization takes place in the home through the family—and more and more though mass media as well—it is our public schools—where our young spend upwards of twelve years, that as a society we have designated for the education of the next generation. This schooling should educate them as to how to be members of a democratic society.

If we accept that it is the job of public schools to prepare students to be active members of a democracy, and we accept that knowledge is mediated through the cultural context, then the schools need to reflect and practice the culture we want students to learn to be a part of. Therefore public schools, the community where these students spend a significant portion of their lives, should reflect and be a microcosm of the type of community that we want our students to learn to live and act in.

A particular aspect of such communities in a democratic society is that the members must not only know how to come to consensus, but also must know how to disagree—how to argue and discuss ideas—even, or especially when, they have strong ideas and opinions that differ from the majority. How to hold on to and argue for ideas passionately while doing so in a civil and respectful way—and at the same time being able to listen to and understand the views of someone who is just as passionate but disagree—is not something that most people in our culture are comfortable with or know how to do. In a heterogeneous society such as ours this is even more difficult, given the many different cultural assumptions and perspectives that each member brings to the table. These different assumptions, perspectives and even norms of conversation can easily lead to misunderstandings if not outright disagreement. Yet, if educators—those serving as models and teachers for our students—cannot learn to do this, and do not engage in such debate, how and where will these students learn to do so?

Schools can be organized for these things to happen. There are many examples of public schools that are trying to be such places—Mission Hill in Boston, Sherman Oaks in San Jose, California, New City School in Long Beach, California, June Jordan School for Social Justice in San Francisco, to name just a few. However to create and sustain such communities is not easy. Each of these schools has gone through and continue to go through many struggles in enacting such communities. It is never easy or a job that is done. It takes a strong culture of trust. Teachers cannot express strong disagreement if they do not trust that they will be heard, that their ideas will be taken seriously, that they will not suffer reprisals. They must also trust those they are listening to—that the other is not bad or evil for disagreeing, but has a different way of seeing the issue. The group must trust (or at least act as if) the other members all want the best, even if they disagree on how to get there—or even at times disagree about where “there” is! There must be structures in place that allow teachers to make decisions together, and clear guidelines for how they are to be made and discussed. At least as important is the time needed to carry on the discussions. The once a week staff meetings that are mostly taken up with administrivia is not nearly enough. It probably takes hours a week—the discussions need to be able to be deep and sustained. This is time that is rare in schools in this country. Maybe most importantly, teachers need the autonomy to make important decisions. All the discussion in the world, no matter how well carried out, may be meaningless if the teachers cannot act on the decisions. Students cannot learn to be empowered from powerless teachers. Yet, this ability to make meaningful decisions is becoming more difficult under the rules of No Child Left Behind which defines school success solely in terms of dong well on standardized tests.

If we want our children to become empowered adults who use their minds well, who can stand behind their own ideas, while simultaneously being willing to listen and be influenced by the ideas of others, they must be surrounded by adults who engage in and model such behavior.

(This article was adapted from a presentation given at the AERA conference in San Francisco, April 8, 2006)

Effects of NCLB

The No Child Left Behind Act was purportedly enacted to close the achievement gap between low-income and minority students on the one hand, and wealthier and White students on the other. Now that it has been in effect for a dozen years, it is time we took a look at the impact it has had on actual instruction of such students. This short piece is based on mostly anecdotal evidence in a few communities near where I live and work. However, from talking to colleagues across the country, as well as reading published reports and articles, I believe that these anecdotes are fairly representative of what is happening in many schools across the nation serving low-income minority students.

My knowledge of this topic comes in part from first-hand personal experience. I was for many years a bilingual elementary school teacher and am currently a professor of education. My doctoral dissertation was a study of two schools that served mainly low-income Mexican-American students. The study took place during the 2003-2004 school year. Currently part of my job consists of supervising student teachers. The majority of these are in schools with predominantly low-income Mexican-American students. I have the opportunity to observe what these teachers do, as well as hear reports from the student teachers about their experiences. I also continue to dialogue with my colleagues who are are still teaching in k-12 schools and can compare and contrast how their experiences have changed over the years. Through all of these means, I have knowledge of the practices of many schools from both before and after NCLB. I have noticed many changes since the inception of NCLB and the standardized education movement. I cannot say that I would define any of the changes I have seen as improvements.

One consequence that I have seen is some of the most dedicated and experienced teachers leaving teaching. They leave for many of the reasons I will be outlining below—that they feel their hands are tied in terms of using what they have learned over many years to be the most effective practices and are being forced to use what they believe are less effective practices in the name of raising short-term test scores.

The main change in instruction I have seen is a move away from the use of techniques in which students are likely to be more actively involved in the curriculum, replaced with discrete skill-based workbooks and textbooks. Students are less likely to be studying material that they find meaningful and interesting and more likely to be reading bland text book stories, or doing out-of-context math problems and memorizing the algorithms. In many elementary schools serving poor and language minority students, everything except language arts and math have been virtually eliminated or greatly reduced from the curriculum. This is especially true of the primary grades. Students are receiving a very restricted diet in terms of breadth (actually there isn’t much depth either).

Another aspect of this teaching is that the teacher is less likely to be able to tailor instruction to the individual needs of the students. All students are likely to be doing the same thing at the same time. This curriculum usually has little place for creativity or critical thinking. It focuses on what are referred to as lower order thinking skills in Bloom’s taxonomy.

The above mentioned policies are generally justified by the fact that these are the type of skills and format that students will encounter in the standardized multiple choice tests. These tests are the only measure of success considered under the interpretation of NCLB being used throughout this country, and certainly here in California. Yet there is no evidence that these practices have actually resulted in a narrowing of the test score gap, much less the achievement gap.

Another consequence has been the move to emphasize English instruction, and begin that emphasis at an earlier age, since the tests are only given in English (there is currently a law suit in California brought by several school districts challenging the use of English only testing, arguing that native language tests should count for NCLB). This is despite the overwhelming evidence that bilingual education is superior in the long run, and that the research supports more, not less, use of the primary language throughout the elementary school years (as the recently suppressed government report, as well as several other recent meta-analyses of the research, attest to).

What this means is that we are more and more having a two-tiered educational system. Poor and minority language students are taught in ways that discourage critical or creative thinking. It discourages them from acting as powerful beings, emphasizing so-called “basic skills.” Those in schools with more privileged students are more likely to be taught a broader curriculum and asked to think critically and act creatively. One group is being prepared to be the workers, the other the leaders. And in fact the latter method is actually more likely to lead to successful learning of the basic skills!

This is true for teachers as well. The poor students are being taught by teachers who themselves are feeling more and more powerless, as they have little freedom to exercise professional judgment or be involved in making decisions about curriculum or school policy. The teachers themselves are feeling attacked for working with poor minority students. These schools become even less enticing for well qualified teachers to want to work in. What we know about learning, is that children learn about power from the adults in their lives. If the adults in their live—their parents and their teachers—feel powerless, it is unlikely they will learn to be powerful responsible adults themselves.

In sum, the evidence that I have at my disposal points to NCLB actually leading to an increase in the educational gap between advantaged and disadvantaged students, both in terms of the quality of instruction and the outcome of that instruction on the students future educational and employment options.

Closing the Gap

I just read in the newspaper a couple of days ago about how the gap between the rich and poor is widening. Not only is it widening, but the rate at which it is widening has been increasing and is expected to become much greater in the next few years. The United States has one of the largest income disparities of any industrialized nation.

George Bush in his so called “No Child Left Behind” Act insists that schools close the test score gap between rich and poor students, and between the ethnic majority and the ethnic minorities in our schools. While this act does nothing to close the funding gap between rich and poor schools (also the greatest of any industrialized nation), it places severe penalties on states, districts, schools and students who fail to meet its goals.

I propose that we should enact a “No Family Left Behind Act.” In this act, states that did not make continues progress in closing the income gap would be sanctioned. Not only the income gap, but the access to health care gap, the infant mortally gap and the incarceration gaps should all be closed as well (and again we lead the industrialized world in most of these gaps as well—nothing like being number 1!). The states should also have to show progress in closing the gaps in all of these areas. As in NCLB, no excuses should be accepted.

Despite years of NCLB sanctions there has been no progress in closing the achievement gap between the rich and poor, minority and White students. Yet there is strong evidence that closing these other gaps would in fact help close the educational achievement gap. Educational research has shown again and again that the strongest predictor of educational success on virtually every measure is socioeconomic-status.

So why stop (or even start) with just closing the gap in test scores? Let’s close the gaps that really matter!

Testing the Teachers

More and more our educational system is using paper and pencil multiple choice tests to stand for educational accountability and high standards. While the use of these tests on our children is ruining meaningful instruction in our schools, in this column I am going to address how these same types of tests are keeping qualified teachers out of our schools.

Teachers in California have been subjected to multiple choice tests as a requirement for entering the field for many decades. However, their use has recently increased, as has their difficulty, in the name of raising standards. Teachers currently have to pass the CBEST, a reading, writing and arithmetic test very similar in form to the standardized tests grade school children take. Teacher candidates have been required to pass this test now for many years before or during their student teaching. Recently another test has been added, a subject area test known as the CSET. This test is considerably harder (though no more relevant to the practice of teaching), and must be passed before a teacher candidate may even begin student teaching. Besides this test, there is the RICA, which is focused on the teaching of language arts. It requires that the teacher demonstrate that they have learned the methods of teaching reading currently in favor by the state (though many renown learning theorists do not agree with the practices that the test advocates).

The argument is that these tests assure the public that our teachers enter the schools with a set of basic skills necessary to anyone who will teach our children. However, do they measure up to that? I would argue not. A recent piece of evidence is that a number of past graduates of the program where I currently teach, who became teachers before the requirement to pass the CSET before entering teaching, have been unable to pass it since. These teachers are currently teaching in our public schools. They have been evaluated in their actual practice as competent and even outstanding teachers. Yet, because they have not passed this paper and pencil test, these dedicated teachers may no longer be able to serve the needy youngsters of our public schools. Therefore, either those who are in a position to actually see these teachers in action, and see the results of their teaching with the children, are wrong, or these tests are screening out qualified candidates.

A further factor in the negative impact of these tests is that those who have the most difficulty passing these tests are disproportionately students of color and under-represented minorities. The percentage of teachers of color compared to the student body in California is extremely low. While the number of minorities in the teaching force has been increasing over the last few decades, over the last ten years this increase has been extremely slow. In fact, from 1998 to 2004 there was practically no increase in the percentage of teachers of color (from 24% to 25%). This means that the gap between teachers of color and students of color is widening as more of our students come from minority backgrounds (growing from 62% to 66% during that same period). Therefore, over the last decade our teachers have become less representative of the student body than they were.

In the name of high standards, we have instituted mindless tests that have little or nothing to do with the qualities we need in teachers. I believe we should eliminate these tests. Schools of education have plenty of means of screening out unqualified candidates by actually examining their academic work as well as the practical work they do in the field.